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Lee, Minkyung. 2018. C-to-C correspondence and agreement-at-a-distance. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 24.3. 347-369.


Assimilation as feature agreement is attributed to two distinct modes: local, by autosegmental spreading; and long-distance, by correspondence. As evidenced in Kinyarwanda, a Bantu language in which feature agreement from a palatal trigger to the preceding targets involves longdistance action, assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading. In Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy and Prince 1995), prospreading markedness constraints like Align are responsible for such long-distance harmony, but they are caught in a serious pathology (McCarthy 2003, 2009). In addition, identity-referring Correspondence (Corr) constraints (Walker 1999, 2000a, 2000b) are criticized due to their redundant characteristic, i.e. there is no need for Corr constraints. As an alternative, Max-CC via consonant-consonant or CC correspondence (McCarthy 2010) replace Corr constraints without regard to featural identity. In essence, feature agreement at a distance results from the co-work of Ident-CC(F) checking featural identity between Cs in correspondence and Max-CC demanding co-indexation between Cs in the output under OT. (Daegu University, Professor) 


Keywords: CC correspondence, Corr constraints, Max-CC, Kinyarwanda palatal harmony, co-indexation, Align, OT 

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