2013.08.29 09:03
음성음운형태론연구 19집 2호 Lee, Minkyung
Lee, Minkyung. 2013. Akan ATR harmony in serial harmony: No direction-specific blocking effect. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 19.2. 295-315.
Vowel harmony (VH) as assimilation through feature spreading is not parallel
but serial in Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational OT model. In HS, harmonic
feature propagation is iterative via the multiple passes of Gen and Eval loop, thus VH
in HS guarantees serial harmony (SH). [ATR] harmony in Akan is controlled by the
[ATR] value of a root vowel. If a root vowel is [+ATR], all the vowels from a root to
affixes agree in [+ATR], otherwise the default [-ATR] takes place, instead. In an HS
derivation, harmony-inducing constraint Share-Domain causes root-internal VH
while Share-Juncture incurs root-outward VH. At a juncture, feature spreading
operates in different path of derivation, i.e., unidirectional in each path, thus it is
further split off to suffix and prefix given Akan morphology in which a prefix is
added to the stem with a suffixed root. Furthermore, low vowel varies in its behavior;
/a/ undergoes [ATR] harmony before [+ATR] while it is opaque after [+ATR] with no
its [ATR] agreement. [ATR] harmony in low vowel is not attributed to feature
spreading, rather to feature licensing and top-ranked grounding constraints. In
essence, direction-specific blocking effect and bidirectionality that Align in parallel
OT reveals are not supportive in HS. (Daegu University)